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He renounced his right to succeed his father and instead chose a political career. Inhe was arrested by South African security police for his opposition to the white government and its apartheid "separateness" policies of racial, political, and economic discrimination against the nonwhite majority.
Inthe government brought further charges including sabotage, high treason and conspiracy to overthrow the government. Nelson Mandela I am the First Accused. I am a convicted prisoner serving five years for leaving the country without a permit and for inciting people to go on strike at the end of May At the outset, I want to say that the suggestion made by the State in its opening that the struggle in South Africa is under the influence of foreigners or communists is wholly incorrect.
I have done whatever I did, both as an individual and as a leader of my people, because of my experience in South Africa and my own proudly felt African background, and not because of what any outsider might have said. In my youth in the Transkei I listened to the elders of my tribe telling stories of the old days.
Amongst the tales they related to me were those of wars fought by our ancestors in defence of the fatherland. I hoped then that life might offer me the opportunity to serve my people and make my own humble contribution to their freedom struggle. This is what has motivated me in all that I have done in relation to the charges made against me in this case.
Having said this, I must deal immediately and at some length with the question of violence. Some of the things so far told to the Court are true and some are untrue. I do not, however, deny that I planned sabotage. I did not plan it in a spirit of recklessness, nor because I have any love of violence.
I planned it as a result of a calm and sober assessment of the political situation that had arisen after many years of tyranny, exploitation, and oppression of my people by the Whites. I admit immediately that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto we Sizwe, and that I played a prominent role in its affairs until I was arrested in August In the statement which I am about to make I shall correct certain false impressions which have been created by State witnesses.
Amongst other things, I will demonstrate that certain of the acts referred to in the evidence were not and could not have been committed by Umkhonto. I will also deal with the relationship between the African National Congress and Umkhonto, and with the part which I personally have played in the affairs of both organizations.
I shall deal also with the part played by the Communist Party. In order to explain these matters properly, I will have to explain what Umkhonto set out to achieve; what methods it prescribed for the achievement of these objects, and why these methods were chosen. I will also have to explain how I became involved in the activities of these organizations.
I deny that Umkhonto was responsible for a number of acts which clearly fell outside the policy of the organization, and which have been charged in the indictment against us. I do not know what justification there was for these acts, but to demonstrate that they could not have been authorized by Umkhonto, I want to refer briefly to the roots and policy of the organization.
I have already mentioned that I was one of the persons who helped to form Umkhonto. I, and the others who started the organization, did so for two reasons. Firstly, we believed that as a result of Government policy, violence by the African people had become inevitable, and that unless responsible leadership was given to canalize and control the feelings of our people, there would be outbreaks of terrorism which would produce an intensity of bitterness and hostility between the various races of this country which is not produced even by war.
Secondly, we felt that without violence there would be no way open to the African people to succeed in their struggle against the principle of white supremacy. All lawful modes of expressing opposition to this principle had been closed by legislation, and we were placed in a position in which we had either to accept a permanent state of inferiority, or to defy the Government.
We chose to defy the law. We first broke the law in a way which avoided any recourse to violence; when this form was legislated against, and then the Government resorted to a show of force to crush opposition to its policies, only then did we decide to answer violence with violence.
But the violence which we chose to adopt was not terrorism. We who formed Umkhonto were all members of the African National Congress, and had behind us the ANC tradition of non-violence and negotiation as a means of solving political disputes.
We believe that South Africa belongs to all the people who live in it, and not to one group, be it black or white. We did not want an interracial war, and tried to avoid it to the last minute.Our response to adversity shapes our character. Trials are temporary, but the blessings we can receive from them are permanent.
Author Richar Russo crats a beautiful graduation speech. Richard Russo Author, Professor of English Commencement Address at the Colby College, May 23, Raabe, Heinrich August, ¶.
Die Postgeheimnisse oder die hauptsächlichsten Regeln welche man beim Reisen und bei Versendungen mit der Post beobachten muß um Verdruß und Verlust zu vermeiden (German) (as Author); Raabe, Wilhelm, ¶.
18 Responses to “On Writing vs. Speaking”. Phil Simon March 18, at pm.
Permalink.. Great advice, Scott. I’m with you. It’s always easiest to edit your written words; it’s impossible to take back missteps when you’re .
STATE OF THE NATION ADDRESS BY PRESIDENT DANNY FAURE. 6 March Mr Speaker, Leader of the Opposition, Leader of Government Business, Members of the National Assembly. Cocnerning the so-called Internet, e-mail, blog lingo that have become internationally normal since the advent of Internet accessibility, I think it still a matter of purpose and appropriateness.